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Coalition, Isn't by Win Wenger, Ph.D. Retiring Indiana Senator Evan Bayh states that a
main reason for his retiring from the U.S. Senate - and announcing it
now - instead of staying on to continue battle with the ongoing
partisan gridlock which has paralyzed this country, is that he and
fellow legislators have to spend most of their time fundraising for the
next campaign, instead of giving real attention to our national
problems. Putting to the side all need for political campaign
fundraising, he implies, will let him better concentrate on the job at
hand until end of term, and he feels he can do much more for the
American people on the outside of Capitol Hill than inside.
Whether or not you judge that in fact to be one
of his main reasons for retiring - with a 20-point lead in the polls,
among other advantages - the condition he describes is certainly a
serious one, widely decried by a wide spectrum of observers and
commentators (not necessarily synonymous), and a major impediment as
regards getting the nation's urgent business done. However,
What Bayh has complained about is but a
small splinter piece of a much larger ongoing process, one which may be
by far the gravest threat to national security and beyond, out of many
hazards now looming.
Is anyone here reading this who is familiar with
the theory of minimum winning coalitions? That is a key part of
political theory, game theory and political economy which got its major
impetus toward development with William Riker's 1962 seminal work, The
Theory of Poitical Coalitions (New Haven: Yale University
Press). Most major points in his thesis are discussion points for
most researchers and writers since who have addressed the field.
What is remarkable is that no one seems to have predicted the mess our
politics is in now, much less the greater one we are approaching even
though the theory itself is flashing red lights and laser strobe
lights all over the place to warn us.
Dynamic processes have been inaugerated which
historically have led to either of two outcomes which are totally
outside the perspective of just about any present American.
Neither of these two outcomes would be at all acceptable to just about
any American including the very politicians whose very partisanship is
part of the process that is leading us toward those outcomes.
Either of these outcomes would mean the end of the grand centuries-old
experiment in democracy in which America led the world in bringing an
ever broader range of human talents into participation in and
contribution toward high civilization (for more on this point please
see http://www.winwenger.com/democ.htm and
http://www.winwenger.com/freedom.htm).
The main dynamic leading there, the one explored in the theory of
minimum winning coalitions, applies in authoritarian and totalitarian
regimes as well and is not merely a disease of democracy, as summarized
by Barbara Geddes from a number of recent studies by various
researchers in that subtopic, in her 2004 monograph, "Minimum-Winning
Coalitions and Personalization in Authoritarian Regimes" (Geddes@!ucla.edu,
and http://www.international.ucla.edu/cms/files/geddes.pdf).
The most convincing explanation as to causes of
the American Revolution, to me, is the one given by the theory of
minimum winning coalitions. The same theory was very clearly
demonstrated almost two centuries ago in the so-called "Era of Good
Feelings," inaugerating a chain of successive polarizations which
eventually became the American Civil War. It has characterized
conditions in a good many nations and empires leading either to civil
war or to overthrow of established governments and institutions by an
autocratic "man on a white horse." We have seen it in miniature
inside of whichever political party, soon after an election in which it
won nearly all the marbles, split or dissolved in bitter
disputes.
Here's the meat of the theory of minimum winning
coalitions: political groupings tend to win and hold power by thin
margins, in order to not have to share the spoils of power and office
more widely than they have to.
This flies in the face of conventional
expectation, especially because everyone likes to win in a landslide
victory. But with victory assured, one makes fewer promises, puts
out less effort, offers fewer inducements for support. If power
is nonetheless won by a wide margin, party discipline breaks down and
different interests go different ways. Meanwhile the loyal
opposition becomes the disloyal or at least the bitterly disaffected
opposition. A slip of the grip does not usually fix things: the
rascals have been thrown out but their clean-broom replacements soon
prove to be just as rascally.
On the wider scene: in the Seven Years War, a/k/a
over here as the French and Indian War, under William Pitt's brilliant
leadership the British in the end had trounced the French so thoroughly
that now most of the stakes of wealth and power in the world were
within the British Empire. Where, then, were the various
political and power groupings to do their contending for those stakes
of wealth and power? If America had not split off, the Empire
would have dissolved in some other manner or direction in roughly the
same time interval. Although today's America is not in quite the
preponderant-power position with the end of the Cold War and the Soviet
Union, it was close enough to that to have triggered a
similar dynamic, and the timing is about right for us to be running
into trouble through this phase of the dynamic.
Our internal paralysis has reached the level
where the latest poll, released today (Februaru 21, 2010), continued to
show 83% of the American people convinced - as they were also under the
previous administration - that our government and system are
broken. More and more of our commentators sound reasonable when
they say that much or most of our political leaders, instead of being
Americans first and party members second, appear to be partisans
first and Americans only a long second.
Either of these outcomes is unacceptable and even
unthinkable (to use Eisenhower's favorite descriptor), but highly
likely if we don't understand what is happening to us and devise an
effective means for steering in another direction- - -
Outcome # 1 - substantial portions of the
power establishment, together with a portion of our general public,
decide they see no viable way out of the increasingly dangerous general
paralysis except by means of an autocratic "man on a white horse,"
whose concentrated powers and will can somehow move us beyond the
paralysis. Rome got lucky twice with Cincinnatus in the 5th
Century B.C., but look at how things ended up nonetheless there.
France was "saved" from her post-Revolutionary chaos by THE man on a
white horse, only to be bled dry in the Napoleonic wars.
Outcome # 2 - If this went, instead, in the even
more unthinkable direction of a civil war, who would be fighting
whom? Although matters on this scale can change remarkably fast
and to a remarkable extent, I don't think it even so will be today's
Republicans and Democrats, extreme though some of these be. More
likely, the most disaffected among Republicans, together with
Libertarians (ironically, given their commitment to policies of
peace) and Tea Party-ites will form one new party while
disaffected liberals and youth will form a new party, and eventually
replace the Democrats, and/or a group of practical pragmatists may
attempt to assemble from all across the spectrum but have a hard time
finding either focus or leadership. The new parties won't have
even a history to serve as common ground between them.
America frittered away much of her advantage
following the end of the Cold War, and tied up as she is in a political
paralysis which no longer "stops at the water's edge," seems likely to
lose much more, to the point where the stakes of power and wealth are
so much to the outside again or an extreme outside threat forces
internal unity on us, if we can get by through about twenty more years
without a civil war, we might escape that outcome altogether. Yet
if an intact America and rising superpower China could work together
for awhile toward world peace, a tremendous lot of good could be
accomplished in the world, so the price of escaping a civil war by
dissipating our advantages itself may prove very costly.
The man on a white horse is our likeliest
outcome, someone whose focused power and will, people come to believe,
can somehow cut through all the paralysis and fix the dangerous
accumulated wrongs of the nation. History has shown
repeatedly ad nauseam how eventually futile this recourse is, and we
certainly should have learned enough from the Hitler episode
never to accept it. Yet how are we to head it off, if we
ignore or don't even understand the dynamic within which we have
trapped ourselves?
Are there any thoughtful persons here who can
examine this matter in the quiet of their own office or home, look at
what others besides myself have to say on this topic, and possibly
eventually talk matters over with some other thoughtful person whom
they respect? That's all I can ask of you.
.....win wenger
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